Roman Art in Modern Day Roman Art in Modern Life
Byzantine art comprises the body of Christian Greek creative products of the Eastern Roman (Byzantine) Empire,[1] besides as the nations and states that inherited culturally from the empire. Though the empire itself emerged from the decline of Rome and lasted until the Fall of Constantinople in 1453,[2] the start date of the Byzantine menstruation is rather clearer in art history than in political history, if still imprecise. Many Eastern Orthodox states in Eastern Europe, equally well as to some degree the Islamic states of the eastern Mediterranean, preserved many aspects of the empire'south civilisation and art for centuries later on.
A number of contemporary states with the Byzantine Empire were culturally influenced by it without actually being part of it (the "Byzantine commonwealth"). These included the Rus, equally well as some non-Orthodox states like the Republic of Venice, which separated from the Byzantine Empire in the 10th century, and the Kingdom of Sicily, which had close ties to the Byzantine Empire and had too been a Byzantine territory until the 10th century with a big Greek-speaking population persisting into the 12th century. Other states having a Byzantine creative tradition, had oscillated throughout the Middle Ages between being part of the Byzantine Empire and having periods of independence, such as Serbia and Bulgaria. After the fall of the Byzantine majuscule of Constantinople in 1453, art produced past Eastern Orthodox Christians living in the Ottoman Empire was often called "mail service-Byzantine." Certain creative traditions that originated in the Byzantine Empire, especially in regard to icon painting and church architecture, are maintained in Greece, Cyprus, Serbia, Bulgaria, Romania, Russia and other Eastern Orthodox countries to the present 24-hour interval.
Introduction [edit]
Byzantine fine art originated and evolved from the Christianized Greek culture of the Eastern Roman Empire; content from both Christianity and classical Greek mythology were artistically expressed through Hellenistic modes of style and iconography.[iii] The art of Byzantium never lost sight of its classical heritage; the Byzantine capital, Constantinople, was adorned with a large number of classical sculptures,[4] although they eventually became an object of some puzzlement for its inhabitants[5] (however, Byzantine beholders showed no signs of puzzlement towards other forms of classical media such as wall paintings[half-dozen]). The basis of Byzantine art is a fundamental artistic attitude held by the Byzantine Greeks who, like their ancient Greek predecessors, "were never satisfied with a play of forms alone, but stimulated by an innate rationalism, endowed forms with life past associating them with a meaningful content."[vii] Although the fine art produced in the Byzantine Empire was marked by periodic revivals of a classical aesthetic, it was to a higher place all marked by the development of a new aesthetic defined by its salient "abstruse", or anti-naturalistic character. If classical fine art was marked by the attempt to create representations that mimicked reality equally closely as possible, Byzantine art seems to take abandoned this endeavour in favor of a more than symbolic approach.
The Ethiopian Saint Arethas depicted in traditional Byzantine fashion (10th century)
The nature and causes of this transformation, which largely took place during tardily antiquity, have been a discipline of scholarly debate for centuries.[8] Giorgio Vasari attributed it to a decline in creative skills and standards, which had in turn been revived by his contemporaries in the Italian Renaissance. Although this indicate of view has been occasionally revived, near notably by Bernard Berenson,[9] modern scholars tend to take a more than positive view of the Byzantine aesthetic. Alois Riegl and Josef Strzygowski, writing in the early 20th century, were above all responsible for the revaluation of late antiquarian art.[10] Riegl saw it equally a natural evolution of pre-existing tendencies in Roman art, whereas Strzygowski viewed it as a production of "oriental" influences. Notable recent contributions to the contend include those of Ernst Kitzinger,[eleven] who traced a "dialectic" between "abstruse" and "Hellenistic" tendencies in tardily antiquity, and John Onians,[12] who saw an "increase in visual response" in belatedly antiquity, through which a viewer "could look at something which was in twentieth-century terms purely abstruse and find it representational."
In any case, the debate is purely modern: information technology is clear that almost Byzantine viewers did not consider their art to be abstract or unnaturalistic. As Cyril Mango has observed, "our own appreciation of Byzantine art stems largely from the fact that this art is not naturalistic; yet the Byzantines themselves, judging past their extant statements, regarded it as beingness highly naturalistic and as existence directly in the tradition of Phidias, Apelles, and Zeuxis."[xiii]
Frescoes in Nerezi most Skopje (1164), with their unique alloy of high tragedy, gentle humanity, and homespun realism, anticipate the arroyo of Giotto and other proto-Renaissance Italian artists.
The subject thing of monumental Byzantine art was primarily religious and imperial: the two themes are often combined, equally in the portraits of subsequently Byzantine emperors that decorated the interior of the sixth-century church building of Hagia Sophia in Constantinople. These preoccupations are partly a result of the pious and autocratic nature of Byzantine club, and partly a result of its economic construction: the wealth of the empire was concentrated in the easily of the church building and the imperial office, which had the greatest opportunity to undertake monumental artistic commissions.
Religious art was not, however, express to the monumental decoration of church building interiors. One of the most important genres of Byzantine art was the icon, an prototype of Christ, the Virgin, or a saint, used equally an object of veneration in Orthodox churches and private homes akin. Icons were more than religious than aesthetic in nature: particularly after the end of iconoclasm, they were understood to manifest the unique "presence" of the figure depicted past means of a "likeness" to that figure maintained through carefully maintained canons of representation.[14]
The illumination of manuscripts was another major genre of Byzantine fine art. The nigh commonly illustrated texts were religious, both scripture itself (particularly the Psalms) and devotional or theological texts (such as the Ladder of Divine Ascension of John Climacus or the homilies of Gregory of Nazianzus). Secular texts were as well illuminated: important examples include the Alexander Romance and the history of John Skylitzes.
The Byzantines inherited the Early Christian distrust of monumental sculpture in religious art, and produced only reliefs, of which very few survivals are annihilation similar life-size, in sharp dissimilarity to the medieval art of the Westward, where awe-inspiring sculpture revived from Carolingian art onwards. Minor ivories were too mostly in relief.
The so-called "minor arts" were very of import in Byzantine art and luxury items, including ivories carved in relief every bit formal presentation Consular diptychs or caskets such as the Veroli casket, hardstone carvings, enamels, glass, jewelry, metalwork, and figured silks were produced in large quantities throughout the Byzantine era. Many of these were religious in nature, although a big number of objects with secular or non-representational decoration were produced: for case, ivories representing themes from classical mythology. Byzantine ceramics were relatively crude, as pottery was never used at the tables of the rich, who ate off Byzantine silver.
Periods [edit]
Byzantine art and architecture is divided into four periods by convention: the Early on period, commencing with the Edict of Milan (when Christian worship was legitimized) and the transfer of the imperial seat to Constantinople, extends to Advert 842, with the conclusion of Iconoclasm; the Middle, or high menstruation, begins with the restoration of the icons in 843 and culminates in the Fall of Constantinople to the Crusaders in 1204; the Late period includes the eclectic osmosis between Western European and traditional Byzantine elements in art and architecture, and ends with the Fall of Constantinople to the Ottoman Turks in 1453. The term post-Byzantine is then used for afterward years, whereas "Neo-Byzantine" is used for fine art and compages from the 19th century onwards, when the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire prompted a renewed appreciation of Byzantium by artists and historians akin.
Early Byzantine fine art [edit]
2 events were of fundamental importance to the development of a unique, Byzantine art. First, the Edict of Milan, issued by the emperors Constantine I and Licinius in 313, allowed for public Christian worship, and led to the development of a monumental, Christian fine art. 2nd, the dedication of Constantinople in 330 created a neat new artistic centre for the eastern half of the Empire, and a specifically Christian 1. Other creative traditions flourished in rival cities such every bit Alexandria, Antioch, and Rome, only information technology was not until all of these cities had fallen - the first two to the Arabs and Rome to the Goths - that Constantinople established its supremacy.
Constantine devoted bang-up try to the decoration of Constantinople, adorning its public spaces with ancient statuary,[15] and building a forum dominated by a porphyry column that carried a statue of himself.[16] Major Constantinopolitan churches built under Constantine and his son, Constantius II, included the original foundations of Hagia Sophia and the Church of the Holy Apostles.[17]
The next major building entrada in Constantinople was sponsored by Theodosius I. The nearly important surviving monument of this period is the obelisk and base erected by Theodosius in the Hippodrome[18] which, with the large silver dish called the Missorium of Theodosius I, represents the archetype examples of what is sometimes called the "Theodosian Renaissance". The earliest surviving church building in Constantinople is the Basilica of St. John at the Stoudios Monastery, built in the fifth century.[19]
Miniatures of the 6th-century Rabula Gospel (a Byzantine Syriac Gospel) display the more abstract and symbolic nature of Byzantine art
Due to subsequent rebuilding and destruction, relatively few Constantinopolitan monuments of this early flow survive. Yet, the development of awe-inspiring early Byzantine fine art can still be traced through surviving structures in other cities. For example, important early churches are found in Rome (including Santa Sabina and Santa Maria Maggiore),[twenty] and in Thessaloniki (the Rotunda and the Acheiropoietos Basilica).[21]
A number of important illuminated manuscripts, both sacred and secular, survive from this early period. Classical authors, including Virgil (represented past the Vergilius Vaticanus[22] and the Vergilius Romanus)[23] and Homer (represented by the Ambrosian Iliad), were illustrated with narrative paintings. Illuminated biblical manuscripts of this period survive just in fragments: for case, the Quedlinburg Itala fragment is a small portion of what must have been a lavishly illustrated re-create of 1 Kings.[24]
Early Byzantine art was also marked by the cultivation of ivory carving.[25] Ivory diptychs, ofttimes elaborately decorated, were issued as gifts by newly appointed consuls.[26] Silver plates were another important form of luxury fine art:[27] amongst the virtually lavish from this period is the Missorium of Theodosius I.[28] Sarcophagi continued to be produced in great numbers.
Age of Justinian I [edit]
Mosaic from San Vitale in Ravenna, showing the Emperor Justinian and Bishop Maximian, surrounded past clerics and soldiers.
Significant changes in Byzantine art coincided with the reign of Justinian I (527–565). Justinian devoted much of his reign to reconquering Italy, North Africa and Espana. He as well laid the foundations of the imperial absolutism of the Byzantine land, codifying its laws and imposing his religious views on all his subjects past law.[29]
A pregnant component of Justinian's project of purple renovation was a massive building program, which was described in a book, the Buildings, written by Justinian's court historian, Procopius.[30] Justinian renovated, rebuilt, or founded anew endless churches within Constantinople, including Hagia Sophia,[31] which had been destroyed during the Nika riots, the Church building of the Holy Apostles,[32] and the Church of Saints Sergius and Bacchus.[33] Justinian also congenital a number of churches and fortifications outside of the imperial uppercase, including Saint Catherine'due south Monastery on Mount Sinai in Egypt,[34] Basilica of Saint Sofia in Sofia and the Basilica of St. John in Ephesus.[35]
Several major churches of this menstruation were built in the provinces by local bishops in false of the new Constantinopolitan foundations. The Basilica of San Vitale in Ravenna, was built by Bishop Maximianus. The decoration of San Vitale includes important mosaics of Justinian and his empress, Theodora, although neither e'er visited the church.[36] As well of notation is the Euphrasian Basilica in Poreč.[37]
Recent archeological discoveries in the 19th and 20th centuries unearthed a big group of Early Byzantine mosaics in the Center East. The eastern provinces of the Eastern Roman and later the Byzantine Empires inherited a strong artistic tradition from Belatedly Antiquity. Christian mosaic art flourished in this expanse from the 4th century onwards. The tradition of making mosaics was carried on in the Umayyad era until the stop of the 8th century. The about important surviving examples are the Madaba Map, the mosaics of Mount Nebo, Saint Catherine'southward Monastery and the Church of St Stephen in ancient Kastron Mefaa (now Umm ar-Rasas).
The first fully preserved illuminated biblical manuscripts date to the first half of the sixth century, most notably the Vienna Genesis,[38] the Rossano Gospels,[39] and the Sinope Gospels.[40] The Vienna Dioscurides is a lavishly illustrated botanical treatise, presented equally a gift to the Byzantine aristocrat Julia Anicia.[41]
Important ivory sculptures of this period include the Barberini ivory, which probably depicts Justinian himself,[42] and the Archangel ivory in the British Museum.[43] Silvery plate connected to exist decorated with scenes drawn from classical mythology; for example, a plate in the Cabinet des Médailles, Paris, depicts Hercules wrestling the Nemean king of beasts.[44]
7th-century crisis [edit]
The Age of Justinian was followed by a political reject, since near of Justinian'due south conquests were lost and the Empire faced acute crisis with the invasions of the Avars, Slavs, Persians and Arabs in the 7th century. Constantinople was also wracked by religious and political conflict.[45]
The most significant surviving monumental projects of this period were undertaken exterior of the majestic capital. The church of Hagios Demetrios in Thessaloniki was rebuilt after a fire in the mid-seventh century. The new sections include mosaics executed in a remarkably abstract manner.[46] The church of the Koimesis in Nicaea (present-twenty-four hours Iznik), destroyed in the early 20th century but documented through photographs, demonstrates the simultaneous survival of a more classical style of church ornament.[47] The churches of Rome, even so a Byzantine territory in this period, too include important surviving decorative programs, especially Santa Maria Antiqua, Sant'Agnese fuori le mura, and the Chapel of San Venanzio in San Giovanni in Laterano.[48] Byzantine mosaicists probably also contributed to the ornament of the early Umayyad monuments, including the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem and the Great Mosque of Damascus.[49]
Important works of luxury fine art from this menstruation include the silver David Plates, produced during the reign of Emperor Heraclius, and depicting scenes from the life of the Hebrew king David.[50] The most notable surviving manuscripts are Syriac gospel books, such as the so-chosen Syriac Bible of Paris.[51] Nevertheless, the London Catechism Tables bear witness to the continuing production of lavish gospel books in Greek.[52]
The flow between Justinian and iconoclasm saw major changes in the social and religious roles of images within Byzantium. The veneration of acheiropoieta, or holy images "not made by man easily," became a pregnant phenomenon, and in some instances these images were credited with saving cities from armed services set on. By the terminate of the seventh century, certain images of saints had come up to exist viewed as "windows" through which i could communicate with the figure depicted. Proskynesis before images is also attested in texts from the late seventh century. These developments marker the beginnings of a theology of icons.[53]
At the same time, the contend over the proper role of art in the decoration of churches intensified. Iii canons of the Quinisext Council of 692 addressed controversies in this area: prohibition of the representation of the cross on church pavements (Canon 73), prohibition of the representation of Christ as a lamb (Canon 82), and a general injunction against "pictures, whether they are in paintings or in what manner then ever, which attract the centre and decadent the listen, and incite it to the enkindling of base pleasures" (Canon 100).
Crisis of iconoclasm [edit]
Helios in his chariot, surrounded by symbols of the months and of the zodiac. From Vat. Gr. 1291, the "Handy Tables" of Ptolemy, produced during the reign of Constantine V
Intense debate over the role of art in worship led eventually to the period of "Byzantine iconoclasm."[54] Sporadic outbreaks of iconoclasm on the part of local bishops are attested in Asia Minor during the 720s. In 726, an underwater convulsion between the islands of Thera and Therasia was interpreted by Emperor Leo Iii as a sign of God's anger, and may have led Leo to remove a famous icon of Christ from the Chalke Gate exterior the imperial palace.[55] However, iconoclasm probably did not go majestic policy until the reign of Leo's son, Constantine V. The Council of Hieria, convened under Constantine in 754, proscribed the industry of icons of Christ. This inaugurated the Iconoclastic menstruation, which lasted, with interruptions, until 843.
While iconoclasm severely restricted the role of religious fine art, and led to the removal of some earlier alcove mosaics and (possibly) the desultory destruction of portable icons, it never constituted a total ban on the product of figural art. Ample literary sources point that secular art (i.e. hunting scenes and depictions of the games in the hippodrome) continued to be produced,[56] and the few monuments that can be securely dated to the menses (most notably the manuscript of Ptolemy's "Handy Tables" today held by the Vatican[57]) demonstrate that metropolitan artists maintained a high quality of production.[58]
Major churches dating to this period include Hagia Eirene in Constantinople, which was rebuilt in the 760s following its destruction by the 740 Constantinople earthquake. The interior of Hagia Eirene, which is dominated by a large mosaic cross in the apse, is 1 of the best-preserved examples of iconoclastic church building ornament.[59] The church building of Hagia Sophia in Thessaloniki was also rebuilt in the belatedly eighth century.[60]
Certain churches built outside of the empire during this catamenia, only decorated in a figural, "Byzantine," style, may also bear witness to the standing activities of Byzantine artists. Particularly important in this regard are the original mosaics of the Palatine Chapel in Aachen (since either destroyed or heavily restored) and the frescoes in the Church of Maria foris portas in Castelseprio.
Macedonian art [edit]
The rulings of the Council of Hieria were reversed past a new church quango in 843, celebrated to this twenty-four hours in the Eastern Orthodox Church building as the "Triumph of Orthodoxy." In 867, the installation of a new alcove mosaic in Hagia Sophia depicting the Virgin and Kid was celebrated by the Patriarch Photios in a famous homily as a victory over the evils of iconoclasm. Later in the same twelvemonth, the Emperor Basil I, called "the Macedonian," acceded to the throne; as a result the following flow of Byzantine fine art has sometimes been called the "Macedonian Renaissance", although the term is doubly problematic (information technology was neither "Macedonian", nor, strictly speaking, a "Renaissance").
In the 9th and 10th centuries, the Empire's military state of affairs improved, and patronage of art and compages increased. New churches were commissioned, and the standard architectural form (the "cross-in-foursquare") and decorative scheme of the Eye Byzantine church were standardised. Major surviving examples include Hosios Loukas in Boeotia, the Daphni Monastery near Athens and Nea Moni on Chios.
There was a revival of involvement in the depiction of subjects from classical Greek mythology (equally on the Veroli Casket) and in the use of a "classical" Hellenistic styles to describe religious, and especially Old Testament, subjects (of which the Paris Psalter and the Joshua Roll are important examples).
The Macedonian period as well saw a revival of the late antique technique of ivory carving. Many ornate ivory triptychs and diptychs survive, such as the Harbaville Triptych and a triptych at Luton Hoo, dating from the reign of Nicephorus Phocas.
Komnenian age [edit]
The Macedonian emperors were followed by the Komnenian dynasty, beginning with the reign of Alexios I Komnenos in 1081. Byzantium had recently suffered a catamenia of severe dislocation following the Battle of Manzikert in 1071 and the subsequent loss of Asia Small-scale to the Turks. However, the Komnenoi brought stability to the empire (1081–1185) and during the course of the twelfth century their energetic campaigning did much to restore the fortunes of the empire. The Komnenoi were bang-up patrons of the arts, and with their back up Byzantine artists connected to move in the direction of greater humanism and emotion, of which the Theotokos of Vladimir, the cycle of mosaics at Daphni, and the murals at Nerezi yield of import examples. Ivory sculpture and other expensive mediums of art gradually gave fashion to frescoes and icons, which for the first fourth dimension gained widespread popularity beyond the Empire. Apart from painted icons, there were other varieties - notably the mosaic and ceramic ones.
Some of the finest Byzantine piece of work of this period may be found outside the Empire: in the mosaics of Gelati, Kiev, Torcello, Venice, Monreale, Cefalù and Palermo. For case, Venice'south Basilica of St Mark, begun in 1063, was based on the slap-up Church of the Holy Apostles in Constantinople, at present destroyed, and is thus an echo of the age of Justinian. The avaricious habits of the Venetians mean that the basilica is as well a peachy museum of Byzantine artworks of all kinds (e.chiliad., Pala d'Oro).
Ivory caskets of the Macedonian era (Gallery) [edit]
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-
11th-12th century, Museo Nazionale d'Arte Medievale e Moderna (Arezzo)
Palaeologan historic period [edit]
The Annunciation from Ohrid, one of the most admired icons of the Paleologan mannerism, bears comparison with the finest contemporary works past Italian artists
Centuries of continuous Roman political tradition and Hellenistic civilization underwent a crisis in 1204 with the sacking of Constantinople past the Venetian and French knights of the Quaternary Crusade, a disaster from which the Empire recovered in 1261 admitting in a severely weakened state. The destruction past sack or subsequent fail of the urban center'southward secular architecture in particular has left us with an imperfect understanding of Byzantine fine art.
Although the Byzantines regained the city in 1261, the Empire was thereafter a small-scale and weak state confined to the Greek peninsula and the islands of the Aegean. During their half-century of exile, withal, the terminal great flowing of Anatolian Hellenism began. Equally Nicaea emerged as the center of opposition nether the Laskaris emperors, it spawned a renaissance, alluring scholars, poets, and artists from beyond the Byzantine globe. A glittering court emerged equally the dispossessed intelligentsia found in the Hellenic side of their traditions a pride and identity unsullied by clan with the hated "latin" enemy.[61] With the recapture of the capital nether the new Palaeologan Dynasty, Byzantine artists developed a new involvement in landscapes and pastoral scenes, and the traditional mosaic-piece of work (of which the Chora Church building in Constantinople is the finest extant example) gradually gave way to detailed cycles of narrative frescoes (as evidenced in a big grouping of Mystras churches). The icons, which became a favoured medium for artistic expression, were characterized by a less austere attitude, new appreciation for purely decorative qualities of painting and meticulous attending to details, earning the popular name of the Paleologan Mannerism for the catamenia in general.
Venice came to control Byzantine Crete by 1212, and Byzantine artistic traditions connected long later on the Ottoman conquest of the last Byzantine successor country in 1461. The Cretan school, as information technology is today known, gradually introduced Western elements into its style, and exported large numbers of icons to the West. The tradition's most famous artist was El Greco.[62] [63]
Legacy [edit]
The splendour of Byzantine art was always in the heed of early on medieval Western artists and patrons, and many of the most important movements in the period were conscious attempts to produce art fit to stand next to both classical Roman and contemporary Byzantine art. This was especially the case for the majestic Carolingian art and Ottonian art. Luxury products from the Empire were highly valued, and reached for example the purple Anglo-Saxon Sutton Hoo burial in Suffolk of the 620s, which contains several pieces of silver. Byzantine silks were peculiarly valued and large quantities were distributed equally diplomatic gifts from Constantinople. In that location are records of Byzantine artists working in the West, especially during the period of iconoclasm, and some works, like the frescos at Castelseprio and miniatures in the Vienna Coronation Gospels, seem to accept been produced past such figures.
In particular, teams of mosaic artists were dispatched equally diplomatic gestures by emperors to Italia, where they often trained locals to go along their piece of work in a style heavily influenced past Byzantium. Venice and Norman Sicily were particular centres of Byzantine influence. The primeval surviving panel paintings in the West were in a way heavily influenced past contemporary Byzantine icons, until a distinctive Western fashion began to develop in Italy in the Trecento; the traditional and still influential narrative of Vasari and others has the story of Western painting begin every bit a breakaway past Cimabue and then Giotto from the shackles of the Byzantine tradition. In general, Byzantine artistic influence on Europe was in steep decline by the 14th century if not before, despite the continued importance of migrated Byzantine scholars in the Renaissance in other areas.
Islamic art began with artists and craftsmen mostly trained in Byzantine styles, and though figurative content was greatly reduced, Byzantine decorative styles remained a great influence on Islamic art, and Byzantine artists continued to exist imported for important works for some time, especially for mosaics.
The Byzantine era properly defined came to an end with the fall of Constantinople to the Ottoman Turks in 1453, but by this time the Byzantine cultural heritage had been widely diffused, carried by the spread of Orthodox Christianity, to Republic of bulgaria, Serbia, Romania and, most chiefly, to Russia, which became the centre of the Orthodox world following the Ottoman conquest of the Balkans. Even nether Ottoman rule, Byzantine traditions in icon-painting and other small-scale arts survived, especially in the Venetian-ruled Crete and Rhodes, where a "mail-Byzantine" fashion under increasing Western influence survived for a further two centuries, producing artists including El Greco whose training was in the Cretan School which was the most vigorous post-Byzantine school, exporting great numbers of icons to Europe. The willingness of the Cretan School to accept Western influence was atypical; in most of the postal service-Byzantine globe "every bit an instrument of ethnic cohesiveness, fine art became assertively conservative during the Turcocratia" (period of Ottoman dominion).[64]
Russian icon painting began past entirely adopting and imitating Byzantine art, as did the art of other Orthodox nations, and has remained extremely conservative in iconography, although its painting manner has developed distinct characteristics, including influences from post-Renaissance Western fine art. All the Eastern Orthodox churches take remained highly protective of their traditions in terms of the form and content of images and, for instance, modern Orthodox depictions of the Nascence of Christ vary little in content from those developed in the 6th century.
See too [edit]
- Byzantine illuminated manuscripts
- Byzantine architecture
- Byzantine mosaics
- Macedonian fine art (Byzantine)
- Byzantine Iconoclasm
- Sacred fine art
- Book of Job in Byzantine Illuminated Manuscripts
Notes [edit]
- ^ Michelis 1946; Weitzmann 1981.
- ^ Kitzinger 1977, pp. i‒3.
- ^ Michelis 1946; Ainalov 1961, "Introduction", pp. 3‒8; Stylianou & Stylianou 1985, p. 19; Hanfmann 1962, "Early Christian Sculpture", p. 42 harvnb error: no target: CITEREFHanfmann1962 (assistance); Weitzmann 1984.
- ^ Bassett 2004.
- ^ Cyril 1965, pp. 53‒75 harvnb error: no target: CITEREFCyril1965 (help).
- ^ Ainalov 1961, "The Hellenistic Graphic symbol of Byzantine Wall Painting", pp. 185‒214.
- ^ Weitzmann 1981, p. 350.
- ^ Brendel 1979.
- ^ Berenson 1954.
- ^ Elsner 2002, pp. 358‒379.
- ^ Kitzinger 1977.
- ^ Onians 1980, pp. ane‒23.
- ^ Mango 1963, p. 65.
- ^ Belting & Jephcott 1994 harvnb error: no target: CITEREFBeltingJephcott1994 (assistance).
- ^ Bassett 2004.
- ^ Fowden 1991, pp. 119‒131; Bauer 1996.
- ^ Mathews 1971; Henck 2001, pp. 279‒304
- ^ Kiilerich 1998.
- ^ Mathews 1971.
- ^ Krautheimer 2000.
- ^ Spieser 1984; Ćurčić 2000.
- ^ Wright 1993.
- ^ Wright 2001.
- ^ Levin 1985.
- ^ Volbach 1976.
- ^ Delbrueck 1929.
- ^ Dodd 1961.
- ^ Almagro-Gorbea 2000.
- ^ Maas 2005.
- ^ Tr. H.B. Dewing, Procopius VII (Cambridge, 1962).
- ^ Mainstone 1997.
- ^ Dark & Özgümüş 2002, pp. 393‒413.
- ^ Bardill 2000, pp. 1‒11; Mathews 2005.
- ^ Forsyth & Weitzmann 1973.
- ^ Thiel 2005.
- ^ Deichmann 1969.
- ^ Eufrasiana Basilica Project.
- ^ Wellesz 1960.
- ^ Cavallo 1992.
- ^ Grabar 1948.
- ^ Mazal 1998.
- ^ Cutler 1993, pp. 329‒339.
- ^ Wright 1986, pp. 75‒79.
- ^ photograph of the plate
- ^ Haldon 1997.
- ^ Brubaker 2004, pp. 63‒90.
- ^ Barber 1991, pp. 43‒sixty.
- ^ Matthiae 1987.
- ^ Creswell 1969; Flood 2001.
- ^ Leader 2000, pp. 407‒427.
- ^ Leroy 1964.
- ^ Nordenfalk 1938.
- ^ Brubaker 1998, pp. 1215‒1254.
- ^ Bryer & Herrin 1977; Brubaker & Haldon 2001.
- ^ Stein 1980; The story of the Chalke Icon may be a later invention: Auzépy 1990, pp. 445‒492.
- ^ Grabar 1984.
- ^ Wright 1985, pp. 355‒362.
- ^ Bryer & Herrin 1977, Robin Cormack, "The Arts during the Age of Iconoclasm".
- ^ Peschlow 1977.
- ^ Theocharidou 1988.
- ^ Ash 1995.
- ^ Byron, Robert (October 1929). "Greco: The Epilogue to Byzantine Culture". The Burlington Magazine for Connoisseurs. 55 (319): 160–174. JSTOR 864104.
- ^ Procopiou, Angelo G. (March 1952). "El Greco and Cretan Painting". The Burlington Magazine. 94 (588): 76–74. JSTOR 870678.
- ^ Kessler 1988, p. 166.
References [edit]
- Ainalov, D.Five. (1961). The Hellenistic Origins of Byzantine Art. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press.
- Almagro-Gorbea, M., ed. (2000). El Disco de Teodosio. Madrid: Real Academia de la Historia. ISBN9788489512603.
- Ash, John (1995). A Byzantine Journeying . London: Random House Incorporated. ISBN9780679409342.
- Auzépy, One thousand.-F. (1990). "La devastation de l'icône du Christ de la Chalcé par Léon Three: propagande ou réalité?". Byzantion. 60: 445‒492.
- Barber, C. (1991). "The Koimesis Church, Nicaea: The Limits of Representation on the Eve of Iconoclasm". Jahrbuch der österreichischen Byzantinistik. 41: 43‒sixty.
- Bardill, J. (2000). "The Church of Sts. Sergius and Bacchus in Constantinople and the Monophysite Refugees". Dumbarton Oaks Papers. 54: ane‒eleven. doi:10.2307/1291830. JSTOR 1291830.
- Bassett, Sarah (2004). The Urban Image of Tardily Antiquarian Constantinople. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN9780521827232.
- Bauer, Franz Alto (1996). Stadt, Platz und Denkmal in der Spätantike. Mainz: P. von Zabern. ISBN9783805318426.
- Belting, Hans; Jephcott (tr.), Edmund (1994). Likeness and Presence: A History of the Prototype before the Era of Art. Chicago: Chicago University Press. ISBN9780226042152.
- Berenson, Bernard (1954). The Arch of Constantine, or, the Pass up of Form. London: Chapman and Hall.
- Brendel, Otto J. (1979). Prolegomena to the Study of Roman Art . New Haven: Yale University Press. ISBN9780300022681.
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Further reading [edit]
- Alloa, Emmanuel (2013). "Visual Studies in Byzantium". Journal of Visual Civilisation. 12 (1): iii‒29. doi:10.1177/1470412912468704. S2CID 191395643.
- Beckwith, John (1979). Early Christian and Byzantine Art (2d ed.). Penguin History of Art. ISBN978-0140560336.
- Cormack, Robin (2000). Byzantine Art . Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN978-0-19-284211-4.
- Cormack, Robin (1985). Writing in Gold, Byzantine Society and its Icons. London: George Philip. ISBN978-054001085-i.
- Eastmond, Antony (2013). The Glory of Byzantium and Early Christendom. London: Phaidon Printing. ISBN978-0714848105.
- Evans, Helen C., ed. (2004). Byzantium, Faith and Power (1261‒1557) . Metropolitan Museum of Fine art/Yale Academy Printing. ISBN978-1588391148.
- Evans, Helen C. & Wixom, William D. (1997). The Glory of Byzantium: Art and Civilization of the Middle Byzantine Era, A.D. 843‒1261. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Fine art. OCLC 853250638.
- Hurst, Ellen (viii Baronial 2014). "A Beginner'due south Guide to Byzantine Art". Smarthistory. Retrieved 20 April 2016.
- James, Elizabeth (2007). Art and Text in Byzantine Civilisation (one ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge Academy Press. ISBN978-0-521-83409-4.
- Karahan, Anne (2015). "Patristics and Byzantine Meta-Images. Molding Belief in the Divine from Written to Painted Theology". In Harrison, Carol; Bitton-Ashkelony, Brouria; De Bruyn, Théodore (eds.). Patristic Studies in the Xx-First Century. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers. pp. 551–576. ISBN978-two-503-55919-3.
- Karahan, Anne (2010). Byzantine Holy Images – Transcendence and Immanence. The Theological Background of the Iconography and Aesthetics of the Chora Church (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta No. 176). Leuven-Paris-Walpole, MA: Peeters Publishers. ISBN978-90-429-2080-iv.
- Karahan, Anne (2016). "Byzantine Visual Culture. Conditions of "Right" Conventionalities and some Platonic Outlooks"". Numen: International Review for the History of Religions. Leiden: Koninklijke Brill NV. 63 (2–three): 210–244. doi:10.1163/15685276-12341421. ISSN 0029-5973.
- Karahan, Anne (2014). "Byzantine Iconoclasm: Credo and Quest for Power". In Kolrud, 1000.; Prusac, M. (eds.). Iconoclasm from Antiquity to Modernity. Farnham Surrey: Ashgate Publishing Ltd. pp. 75‒94. ISBN978-ane-4094-7033-5.
- Karahan, Anne (2015). "Chapter ten: The Affect of Cappadocian Theology on Byzantine Aesthetics: Gregory of Nazianzus on the Unity and Singularity of Christ". In Dumitraşcu, N. (ed.). The Ecumenical Legacy of the Cappadocians. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 159‒184. ISBN978-ane-137-51394-6.
- Karahan, Anne (2012). "Dazzler in the Eyes of God. Byzantine Aesthetics and Basil of Caesarea". Byzantion: Revue Internationale des Études Byzantines. 82: 165‒212. eISSN 2294-6209. ISSN 0378-2506. *Karahan, Anne (2013). "The Paradigm of God in Byzantine Cappadocia and the Consequence of Supreme Transcendence". Studia Patristica. 59: 97‒111. ISBN978-90-429-2992-0.
- Karahan, Anne (2010). "The Effect of περιχώρησις in Byzantine Holy Images". Studia Patristica. 44: 27‒34. ISBN978-90-429-2370-6.
- Gerstel, Sharon Eastward. J.; Lauffenburger, Julie A., eds. (2001). A Lost Art Rediscovered. Pennsylvania State University. ISBN978-0-271-02139-three.
- Mango, Cyril, ed. (1972). The Art of the Byzantine Empire, 312‒1453: Sources and Documents. Englewood Cliffs.
- Obolensky, Dimitri (1974) [1971]. The Byzantine Commonwealth: Eastern Europe, 500‒1453. London: Cardinal. ISBN9780351176449.
- http://www.biblionet.gr/book/178713/Ανδρέου,_Ευάγγελος/Γεώργιος_Μάρκου_ο_ΑργείοςWeitzmann, Kurt, ed. (1979). Age of Spirituality: Tardily Antiquarian and Early Christian Fine art, Tertiary to Seventh Century. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Fine art.
External links [edit]
- Byzantine Publications Online, freely bachelor for download from Dumbarton Oaks
- Lethaby, William (1911). . Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. four (11th ed.). pp. 906–911.
- Eikonografos.com: Byzantine Icons and Mosaics Archived 2012-03-31 at the Wayback Automobile
- Anthony Cutler on the economic history of Byzantine mosaics, wall-paintings and icons at Dumbarton Oaks.
- http://www.biblionet.gr/book/178713/Ανδρέου,_Ευάγγελος/Γεώργιος_Μάρκου_ο_Αργείος
Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Byzantine_art
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